This book is an interesting look into the lives of the uber
wealthy, not just the 1% but the 0.01%. Instead of just hating on them, the
author (Chrystia Freeland) offers a look into their lives and why they think
the way they do. She also offers some compelling evidence on how great the
divide truly is.
She starts off by explaining how economists thought that
fully industrialized or post-industrial societies would see income inequality
decrease as education became more widespread and the state played a bigger,
more redistributive role. What they discovered was that equality is prevalent
only at the historical poles of a civilization. “Savages are equal because they
are equally weak and ignorant. Very civilized men can all become equal because
they all have at their disposal similar means of attaining comfort and
happiness. Between these two extremes is found inequality of condition, wealth
and knowledge - the power of the few, the poverty, ignorance and weakness of
the rest” – Alexis De Tocqueville.
She talks about how political decisions helped to create the
super elite in the first place and as the economic might of the super elite
class grows, so does its political muscle, which creates an endless loop. A
stark example of this is that income inequality in communist China is now
higher than in the U.S., and is on the rise in India & Russia. This has
created a new ‘virtual nation’ of mammon (worshipping wealth/greed), where the
rich have more in common with each other than with their countrymen. The
business example she gives of this is Citigroup, a global bank, which has a
devised a ‘consumer hourglass theory’ where they invest in super-luxury goods
producers and deep discounters. They are working under the assumption that as
the middle class is hollowed out, the companies that sell products to them will
disappear.
In the U.S., the first income inequality gap was created by the industrial revolution and the 1% were called robber barons. Between the 1940s and the 1970s, this gap shrank, largely due to the government compromising with the 99% due to the rise of communism in Europe. In 1980, the average U.S. CEO made 42 times as much as the average worker, while in 2012, that number was 380 times as much. This change was largely due to the fact that in the early 80’s Ronald Reagan (President at the time), slashed the highest marginal tax rate from 70% to 28%, reined in trade unions, cut social welfare spending and deregulated the economy. The U.S. was emboldened by the fall of communism – it no longer had a strong ideological competitor to Freidman’s free market ideas. They underwent 3 major transformations in this time: a technology revolution, globalization and the rise of the Washington consensus (the World Bank’s decision on how best to pull a country out of poverty). The rules of the game again favour those who are winning it.
The author then talks about how we aren’t reliving the ‘Gilded
Age’ – we are living through 2 simultaneous Gilded Ages. The West is experiencing
its second, while emerging markets are experiencing their first. She argues
that with time, the creative destruction of capitalism inevitably brings an
overall improvement in everyone’s standard of living, and that this twin Gilded
Age is positive. However, the costs and benefits of trade are unevenly shared. “As
individuals we aren’t getting smarter, but society as a whole is accumulating
more and more knowledge” –Joe Mokyr. We have the ‘unhappy growth paradox’ due
to the uncertainty and inequality of periods of rapid economic change.
She then discusses the current group of plutocrats. She says
that the defining quality of the current crop of plutocrats is that they are
the ‘working rich’. They are not aristocrats but rather economic meritocrats,
preoccupied not only with consuming wealth, but also with creating it. We are
in the age of alpha geeks, where education is key. They are seen as the ‘heroes’,
trying to battle for the collective good. They move in circles that are defined
by ‘interests’ rather than geography. Essentially, they are global citizens. For
these super rich, ideas conferences are a big thing (ie. TED talks), as is philanthropy.
They want to bestow their fortunes the same way they made them – entrepreneurially.
All their wealth allows them to test new ways to solve big problems. They are
trying to apply the secret behind their money making success to their giving.
The biggest question becomes, where to give when you’re a global citizen? She
talks about how Bill Gates and Warren Buffett made it important, not only to
give away a lot of your money, but also to be actively engaged in how it is
spent. They want to transform how charity works and change how the state
operates. The plutocrat as politician is becoming an important member of the
world’s governing elite. America’s super elite has been particularly effective
at using the tools of a political democracy – where in theory, the majority
should rule – to protect its minority privilege. She mentions how they corner
the market for positional goods, which are products and services whose value is
derived in part from their scarcity and how much everyone else wants them (ie. A
place in the Harvard first year class). If you have them, I don’t.
She then begins to explain the gender gap within the 0.1%. Of
the 1226 billionaires, only 104 are women and most of them are wives, daughters
and widows. Within the 99%, women are earning more money, getting more educated
and gaining more power, but the top 1% has remained an all-boys club. In 2009,
it was the first time women outnumbered men on the country’s pay rolls (in
America) and in 2010, 4 in 10 working wives were the chief bread winners for
their families. She guesses that this hasn’t translated into the same
percentage of women at the top because women aren’t as cutthroat, they are
missing that killer instinct. She also says that the skill biased technical
change has brought the technocrats to class power, with technical change being
the main driver of income polarization. We live in a world where being the most
successful in your field delivers huge rewards, but coming in second place has
much less economic value (winner takes all mentality). “The relative fall in
the incomes to be earned by moderate ability is accentuated by the rise in
those that are obtained by men of extraordinary ability” –Alfred Marshall. This
environment of superstar economics takes meritocracy to the next level, only
rewarding those who are at the very top, and rewarding them with insane amounts
of money.
Technology has allowed superstars to export their skills to
the masses. It’s has always been a battle between capital (the people who have
the money) and talent (the people who have the skills), and previously capital
was winning. But now, it’s possible for the talented to practice their
profession independently, cutting out the ‘capital’. Superstars are able to be
better paid for the value they create - thanks to richer clients, more clients
and better terms of trade with their financial backers. The superstar
phenomenon also feeds on itself because the world tends to give credit to
people who are already famous. CEO’s and executives at the very top are
rewarded for corporate success but almost no one else is. CEO’s are a special
type of superstar; the one who is in charge of the company that pays his
salary. The reason this system has lasted so long is because we all like to
think we are superstars in waiting and will get our big break any day now.
However, the rich tend to get richer by buying to get rich.
Many people have become richer by using their influence to bend the rules of
the economic game in their own favour, benefiting greatly from things like
Russia’s super sale of public assets which helped create arguably the greatest
number of billionaires. The world’s richest man at the moment is Carlos Slim,
who hugely benefited from the privatization of Mexican assets. Financial
deregulation has been crucial to the emergence of the plutocracy, leading to
the pre-eminence of the financiers within the global super elite. One telltale
sign the state is deciding who gets rich is how much time and money plutocrats
spend on selecting their government and influencing decisions. ‘Legal
corruption’ is increasing the gap between the rich and everyone else. The
threat that business, particularly finance, might move to another country, was
one of the most powerful arguments in favour of deregulation. The rich argue
that the common good is better served when the wealthy ‘self-tax’ by supporting
charities of their own selection, rather than paying taxes to fund government
spending. Most lobbying is pro-business, in the sense that it promotes the
interests of existing businesses, not pro market in the sense of fostering
truly free and open competition.
Nearly half of all members of congress were millionaires in
2010 and their median net worth was $913,000, which just shows that the people
are not truly represented in their democracy. “We may have democracy, or me may
have wealth concentrated in the hands of the few, but we cannot have both” –
Louis Brandeis. What separates successful states from failed ones is whether
their governing institutions are inclusive or extractive. Extractive means
controlled by ruling elites whose objective is to extract as much wealth as
they can from the rest of society and to maintain their own hold on power;
inclusive means everyone has a say in how their society is ruled and has access
to economic opportunity. Greater inclusiveness leads to more prosperity. As the
people at the very top become every richer, they have an every greater ability
to tilt the rules of the game in their favour. She finishes by saying that the next
big threat posed by income inequality is the transfer of privilege from one
generation to the next, those who are ‘born rich’ and how that will affect our
society.
Crazy fact from the book: It now costs less than
$600 to buy a disk drive with the capacity to store all of the world’s recorded
music.