She starts off by explaining how economists thought that
fully industrialized or post-industrial societies would see income inequality
decrease as education became more widespread and the state played a bigger,
more redistributive role. What they discovered was that equality is prevalent
only at the historical poles of a civilization. “Savages are equal because they
are equally weak and ignorant. Very civilized men can all become equal because
they all have at their disposal similar means of attaining comfort and
happiness. Between these two extremes is found inequality of condition, wealth
and knowledge - the power of the few, the poverty, ignorance and weakness of
the rest” – Alexis De Tocqueville.
She talks about how political decisions helped to create the
super elite in the first place and as the economic might of the super elite
class grows, so does its political muscle, which creates an endless loop. A
stark example of this is that income inequality in communist China is now
higher than in the U.S., and is on the rise in India & Russia. This has
created a new ‘virtual nation’ of mammon (worshipping wealth/greed), where the
rich have more in common with each other than with their countrymen. The
business example she gives of this is Citigroup, a global bank, which has a
devised a ‘consumer hourglass theory’ where they invest in super-luxury goods
producers and deep discounters. They are working under the assumption that as
the middle class is hollowed out, the companies that sell products to them will
disappear.
In the U.S., the first income inequality gap was created by the industrial revolution and the 1% were called robber barons. Between the 1940s and the 1970s, this gap shrank, largely due to the government compromising with the 99% due to the rise of communism in Europe. In 1980, the average U.S. CEO made 42 times as much as the average worker, while in 2012, that number was 380 times as much. This change was largely due to the fact that in the early 80’s Ronald Reagan (President at the time), slashed the highest marginal tax rate from 70% to 28%, reined in trade unions, cut social welfare spending and deregulated the economy. The U.S. was emboldened by the fall of communism – it no longer had a strong ideological competitor to Freidman’s free market ideas. They underwent 3 major transformations in this time: a technology revolution, globalization and the rise of the Washington consensus (the World Bank’s decision on how best to pull a country out of poverty). The rules of the game again favour those who are winning it.
The author then talks about how we aren’t reliving the ‘Gilded
Age’ – we are living through 2 simultaneous Gilded Ages. The West is experiencing
its second, while emerging markets are experiencing their first. She argues
that with time, the creative destruction of capitalism inevitably brings an
overall improvement in everyone’s standard of living, and that this twin Gilded
Age is positive. However, the costs and benefits of trade are unevenly shared. “As
individuals we aren’t getting smarter, but society as a whole is accumulating
more and more knowledge” –Joe Mokyr. We have the ‘unhappy growth paradox’ due
to the uncertainty and inequality of periods of rapid economic change.
Technology has allowed superstars to export their skills to
the masses. It’s has always been a battle between capital (the people who have
the money) and talent (the people who have the skills), and previously capital
was winning. But now, it’s possible for the talented to practice their
profession independently, cutting out the ‘capital’. Superstars are able to be
better paid for the value they create - thanks to richer clients, more clients
and better terms of trade with their financial backers. The superstar
phenomenon also feeds on itself because the world tends to give credit to
people who are already famous. CEO’s and executives at the very top are
rewarded for corporate success but almost no one else is. CEO’s are a special
type of superstar; the one who is in charge of the company that pays his
salary. The reason this system has lasted so long is because we all like to
think we are superstars in waiting and will get our big break any day now.
However, the rich tend to get richer by buying to get rich.
Many people have become richer by using their influence to bend the rules of
the economic game in their own favour, benefiting greatly from things like
Russia’s super sale of public assets which helped create arguably the greatest
number of billionaires. The world’s richest man at the moment is Carlos Slim,
who hugely benefited from the privatization of Mexican assets. Financial
deregulation has been crucial to the emergence of the plutocracy, leading to
the pre-eminence of the financiers within the global super elite. One telltale
sign the state is deciding who gets rich is how much time and money plutocrats
spend on selecting their government and influencing decisions. ‘Legal
corruption’ is increasing the gap between the rich and everyone else. The
threat that business, particularly finance, might move to another country, was
one of the most powerful arguments in favour of deregulation. The rich argue
that the common good is better served when the wealthy ‘self-tax’ by supporting
charities of their own selection, rather than paying taxes to fund government
spending. Most lobbying is pro-business, in the sense that it promotes the
interests of existing businesses, not pro market in the sense of fostering
truly free and open competition.
Crazy fact from the book: It now costs less than
$600 to buy a disk drive with the capacity to store all of the world’s recorded
music.